Part
I: An Introduction to Anarcho-Christian
thinking
Upon
initial inspection, the title of this essay might appear quite abnormal. One might be lead to question the validity of
any of the following material and dismiss the current essay off-hand, simply
because the heading is atypical. “It
certainly,” one might say, “is at least anachronistic. After all, isn’t anarchism a pseudo-Marxist
philosophy which had its origins in the later half of the 19th
century. And don’t the philosophical
assumptions of anarchist theory come into direct conflict with the main tenants
of Christian theology.” Though there is
some truth to these objections, anarchism, especially the variant of anarchism
known as anarcho-syndicalism, is the political theory which best corresponds
with the demands of the radical Christian life-style to which Jesus called each
one of his disciples.
Before
I move on, let me clarify that it must not be assumed that the terms
“Christianity” and “Anarchism” are synonymous terms. Anarchism is essentially a human political
philosophy that was formulated in reaction to systematic, socio-economic
injustice. It is my contention that
Christianity (the teaching of Jesus Christ) established an entirely new order
contra novum ordo seculorum. Jesus did
not come merely to institute a novel political philosophy. And he certainly did not descend from the
heavenly realms in order to provide opposition to the Roman Empire or any of
the other “evil empires” found within the global context. Jesus’ death and resurrection constitute the
beginning of an entirely new creation.
In this respect, an appropriate way to view the first Easter Sunday is
as the rebirth of the created order.
Indeed, this is the way that the author of the Gospel of John viewed
this event, as is hinted at by the language of that text (which could be seen
as the Genesis account of the New Testament).
In view of all of this, however, it must be said that out of all of the
secular political philosophical positions, the Christian, should feel most
comfortable with that of the anarchist.
The
general thesis of this text is not new.
Nor is it the invention of the author of this essay. There is a long established tradition of
anarcho-christian thinking, whether it is overt or unspoken. There are a number of individual thinkers who
would classify themselves as both Christians and anarchists: Jacques Ellul,
Vernard Eller, Dorothy Day, Leo Tolstoy, Ammon Hennacy and Peter Maurin, to
name just a few. One of the most notable
Christian anarchist thinkers of the modern period is Philip Berrigan, a
co-founder of the Plowshares movement (a radical Christian
anti-war/anti-nuclear movement). Though
other Christian anarchist thinkers (I have in mind here Karl Barth, Kierkegaard
and, more recently, Jacques Ellul) have provided more in-depth theological
analyses of the Christian anarchist perspective, he has provided one of the
most concise and articulate explanations of the Christian anarchist philosophy,
as it relates to the principles elucidated by Jesus Christ, to date:
One of the best-kept secrets of the world
has been the activism-the nonviolent resistance-of Jesus. A close reading of the Gospel reveals His
calling to account an unjust, corrupt system.
Kindness does not adequately describe His relationship to the poor or to
those who suffer. Compassion is
better. “My heart is moved with
compassion for the crowd, because they have been with me now for three days and
have nothing to eat.” (Mark 8:2) Nor
does nonviolent revolutionary sum Him up.
Anarchist is better: one who lives self-government, representing the
poor, resisting a criminal state, and attending to the just works of God. “Then repay to Caesar what belongs to Caesar,
and to God what belongs to God.” (Matthew 22:21) Since all belonged to God, he gave nothing to
Caesar. Most of the references to Jesus’
kindness and antiviolence are suppressed today, simply because the established
church has chosen chaplaincy to the imperial state. Virtually no one teaches Christians the
nonviolence of Jesus, nor his calling to community, nor his voluntary poverty,
nor his choice of the cross. Especially
his choice of the cross, that living symbol of resistance to evil, including
systemic evil-resistance to imperial governments, to predatory corporations, to
nuclear weapons, to war, to the despoliation of the environment, to killing in
any form. What are these organizations
of oppression that lie to us, rob us, and sometimes kill us? Empires, nation-states, globalized
corporations, world trade organizations, tariff and trade agreements (NAFTA),
war ministries (Department of Defense), banks, stock exchanges. Jesus would denounce and resist the
scurrying, blind creatures that build and idolize them, while loving them and
agonizing over their conversion.
(Roddick, 156-7)
It is very difficult to dispute the various
claims made above. Indeed, if one reads
the gospels, one will find a Jesus very similar to the one Berrigan
described. However, following centuries
of imperial/corporate incorporation and cooption, the true teachings of Jesus
have been marginalized and outright ignored, if not perverted and radically
changed altogether. For instance, since
Aquinas first developed it in his Summa Theologica, the church has held fast to
what is often called the “Just War Theory (Jus
Ad Bellem).” However, it is
difficult to amalgamate any “just war” theory with the teachings of Jesus
(specifically those teachings found in Luke 6:27, Matthew 5:5, Matthew 5:39 and
Matthew 5:40).
Part
II: A Clarification of Anarchist Principles
At this
point, one may be tempted to object stating “But isn’t anarchy merely an
off-shoot of nihilism, or Marxism?
Doesn’t the true expression of the anarchist desire simply result in
chaos?” To respond in short, no. (In fact, when confronted with such a
misunderstanding of anarchist philosophy I am tempted to use the Pauline double
negative, “No!No!” in response.) Such
statements are not just oversimplifications, or generalizations of the
anarchist position, but are gross perversions of the main principles of this
school of thought. One of the main
proponents of anarchism, Peter Kropotkin, saw this tendency to dismiss
anarchism as another version of nihilism early in the philosophy’s development. He discussed this problem in his lecture, Anarchism: It’s Philosophy and Ideal:
Those who are persuaded that Anarchy is a
collection of visions relating to the future, and an unconscious striving
toward the destruction of all present civilization, are still very numerous;
and to clear the ground of such prejudices of our education as maintain this
view we should have, perhaps, to enter into many details which it would be
difficult to embody in a single lecture. Did not the Parisian press, only two
or three years ago, maintain that the whole philosophy of Anarchy consisted in
destruction, and that its only argument was violence?
Following the line developed by Kropotkin
above, I feel that a little clarification is necessary and is important to
develop a full and unobscured understanding of the relationship between
anarchic thought and the teachings of Jesus Christ.
The
question as to what constitutes the anarchic theoretical perspective must be
addressed here. It must be noted above
all that anarchism does not mean a general revolution; a revolution against all
and any authority. Rather, the
proponents of the anarchist school of thought denounce and decry artificial
authority (authority that originates in the simple accumulation of wealth, or
in the presence of coercive institutions).
We must turn to Michael Bakunin in order to see what is meant by the
anarchist revulsion apropos synthetic, or unnatural authority:
What is authority? Is it the inevitable power of the natural
laws which manifest themselves in the necessary concatenation and succession of
phenomena in the physical and social worlds?
Indeed, against these laws revolt is not only forbidden – it is even
impossible…Yes we are the absolute slaves of these laws. But in such slavery there is no humiliation,
or, rather, it is not slavery at all. For slavery supposes an external master, a
legislator outside of him whom he commands, while these laws are not outside of
us; they are inherent in us; they constitute our being, our whole being,
physically intellectually, and morally [italics
added for emphasis]: we live, we breathe, we act, we think, we wish only
through these laws. Without them we are
nothing, we are not…The most stubborn authorities must admit that then there
will be no need either of political organization or direction or legislation,
three things which, whether they emanate from the will of the sovereign or from
the vote of a parliament elected by universal suffrage, and even should they
conform to the system of natural laws – which has never been the case and never
will be the case – are always equally fatal and hostile to the liberty of the
masses from the very fact that they impose upon them a system of external and
therefore despotic laws…Does it follow that I reject all authority? Far from me such a thought. In the matter of boots, I refer to the
authority of the bootmaker; concerning houses, canals, or railroads, I consult
that of the architect or engineer. For
such or such special knowledge I apply to such or such a savant. But I allow neither the bootmaker nor the
architect nor the savant to impose his authority upon me. I listen to them freely and with all the
respect merited by their intelligence, their character , their knowledge,
reserving always my incontestable right of criticism and censure.(Curtis,
353-5)
To make this point more succinctly one
could say that, according to the anarchist view, authority should only be
granted to individuals who have a particular kind of knowledge, that this
authority is limited to the area of that individual’s knowledge, and finally that
the authority granted to the individuals in question is voluntarily given to
them by each individual citizen and is in no way binding with regard to the
populace abroad. Rudolf Rocker puts it
this way in the first chapter of his book, Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice:
ANARCHISM is a definite intellectual
current in the life of our time, whose adherents advocate the abolition of
economic monopolies and of all political and social coercive institutions
within society. In place of the present
capitalist economic order Anarchists would have a free association of all
productive forces based upon co-operative labour, which would have as its sole
purpose the satisfying of the necessary requirements of every member of
society, and would no longer have in view the special interest of privileged
minorities within the social union. In
place of the bureaucratic institutions Anarchists desire a federation of free
communities which shall be bound to one another by their common economic and
social interests and shall arrange their affairs by mutual agreement and free
contract. (Rocker, 1)
In other words, the ideal anarchist state
is a small, cooperative federation/community of individuals, each sharing their
resources and their abilities for the common good. This ideal is directly reflected in the early
church, as it is described in the second chapter of the book of Acts: “All the
believers were together and had
everything in common. Selling their
possessions and goods, they gave to anyone as he had need [italics are
added for emphasis].” (Acts
2:44-5)
One
who is familiar with the writings of the Apostle Paul might also be able to
recognize the distinctly Pauline nature of Bakunin’s doctrine of “natural
authority.” Paul also held a view that
the best community should be composed of individuals who, each being possessed
of a particular gift or social function, minister to one-another according to
his/her ability. This is particularly
evident when one reads the above selection from Bakunin alongside the twelfth
chapter of Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians:
There are different kinds of gifts, but the
same but the same Spirit. There are
different kinds of gifts but the same Lord.
There are different kinds of working, but the same God works all of them
in all men. Now to each one the
manifestation of the Spirit is given for the common good. To one there is given through the Spirit the
message of wisdom, to another the message of knowledge by means of the same
Spirit, to another faith by the same Spirit, to another gifts of healing by
that one Spirit, to another miraculous powers, to another prophecy, to another
distinguishing between spirits, to another speaking in different kinds of
tongues, to still another the interpretation of tongues. All of these are the work of one and the same
Spirit, and he gives them to each one, just as he determines. The body is a unit, though it is made up of
many parts; and though all its parts are many, they form one body. So it is with Christ. For we were all baptized by one Spirit into
one body – whether Jews or Greeks, slave or free – and we were all given the
one Spirit to drink. Now the body is not
made up of one part but of many. If the
foot should say, “Because I am not a hand, I do not belong to the body,” it
would not for that reason cease to be part of the body…The eye cannot say to
the hand “I don’t need you!” And the
head cannot say to the feet “I don’t need you!”
On the contrary, those parts of the body that seem to be weaker are
indispensable, and the parts that we think are less honorable we treat with
special honor…But God has combined the members of the body and has given
greater honor to the parts that lacked it, so that there should be no division in the body, but that its parts should
have equal concern for each other [italics added for emphasis]…Now you are
the body of Christ, and each one of you is a part of it. (1 Cor. 12:4-27)
From these verses, it certainly appears as
though the Apostle Paul subscribed to the same anti-hierarchical ideals
described by Bakunin. We see that each
individual member of the church has been gifted by the Spirit, and in that area
he has limited authority; however he is not to lord this authority over the
heads of his fellow believers, but is supposed to use his/her gift for the
common good. Jesus specifically commands
the church, the collected body of his followers, not to develop a hierarchical
system of authority:
Jesus called them [his disciples] together
and said, “You know that the rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them, and
their high officials exercise authority over them. Not so
with you. Instead, whoever wants to
become great among you must be your servant, and whoever wants to be first must
be your slave – just as the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve,
and to give his life as a ransom for many [italics added for emphasis].
(Matthew 20:25-28)
The
conclusion which one must draw, following an analysis of the two biblical
passages above is that Christianity, at the very least, shares a similar
critical view of human governments and systems of power. More likely, however, is that the Christian
world view is the same as that of the anarchist school of thought, and that
anarchism is a closely related secular cousin of Christian theology.
Part III:
Biblical Anarchy:
In
this third section, as the title should have made clear, it is my intention to
provide the reader with an exposition (or an exegetical analysis if you prefer
the language of Theology) of specific biblical passages in which the congruity
between Christian and anarchist thinking are most apparent. This does not mean that the anarchic nature
of the biblical teachings are limited only to these passages. Indeed, an anarchistic thread can be found
throughout the Bible. In the interest of
concision, however, (this is after all a pamphlet and not a book) I have
limited my remarks to the passages in which the anarchism of the Bible is most
perceptible. In the interest of
eliminating confusion, I have decided deal with the various anarchic biblical
passages in a series of subdivisions, assembling the biblical texts together
according to the anarchist principles which they support in common.
A. The
“Golden Rule”
As
was stated earlier, one of the main doctrines advocated by the anarchist school
of thought is universal solidarity; the idea that all human beings should live
in collective, voluntary relationships that benefit the common good. This necessarily implies a system of ethics
in which humans are conceived of as “ends in themselves”; human livelihood and
well-being is to be the center of the social order. Of course this necessarily excludes the
exploitation which is inherent in the socio-economic order of global
capitalism, the military-industrial complex in general, and any form of
hierarchical organization within the social order. There are a number of biblical passages which
sustain this anarchic analysis with regard to social organization and human
interaction.
The
first such passage to be examined is found within the twelfth chapter of the
Gospel of Mark:
One of the religion scholars came up. Hearing
the lively exchanges of question and answer and seeing how sharp Jesus
was in his answers, he put in his question: “Which is the most important of all
the commandments?” Jesus said, “The
first in importance is, ‘Listen Israel: The Lord your God is one; so love the
Lord your God with all your passion and prayer and intelligence and
energy.’ And here is the second: ‘Love
others as well as you love yourself.’
There is no other commandment that ranks with these.” (Mark 12:28-31
from the Message translation)
From this passage it is clear that Jesus
gave individuals a position of primacy over and against the accumulation of
wealth, the power of the state, etc. In
this passage, Jesus’ anti-hierarchical views are made exceedingly
apparent. One cannot be a slave owner,
while at the same time claiming to love his slave as he does himself. The institution of slavery is not one which
one would like to participate in as a slave.
This excerpt also appears to exclude other systems (capitalism,
state-socialism, etc.) in which human beings are necessarily treated as the
means to an end rather than as “ends in themselves.” Jesus’ anarchic formulation of ethics is
rudimentary morality, and provides substantive qualification regarding human
actions where other ethical systems (for example Kantian deontology, or
capitalist “rule of law”) remain ethereal, abstract, or disjointed from
concrete reality.
A
similar passage is found within the seventh chapter of the Gospel of Matthew:
Don’t pick on people, jump on their
failures, criticize their faults – unless, of course, you want the same
treatment. That critical spirit has a
way of boomeranging. It’s easy to see a
smudge on your neighbor’s face and be oblivious to the ugly sneer on your
own. Do you have the nerve to say, ‘Let
me wash your face for you,’ when your own face is distorted by contempt? It’s this whole traveling road-show mentality
all over again, playing holier-than-thou part instead of just living your part. Wipe that ugly sneer off your own face, and
you might be fit to offer a washcloth to your neighbor…Here is a simple
rule-of-thumb guide for behavior: Ask yourself what you want people to do for
you, then grab the initiative and do it for them. Add up God’s Law and the Prophets and this is
what you get. (Matthew 7:1-5, 12)
Again, in this segment of the biblical text
we are exposed to Christ’s radically collective vision of the common good. Individuals are not isolated atoms of
consumption, but instead are symbiotically connected to the well-being of their
fellow homo sapiens. Indeed, it appears
as though Jesus expected his followers to go beyond simply providing for those
who are in need, but to bear the responsibility of initiating a relationship of
common exchange with other individuals.
We must go beyond simple, charitable giving to living collectively with
one another in community. This statement
can be further reinforced by reflecting on the passage from the book of Acts
cited above (Acts 2:44-45).
B.
Pacifism, Nonviolence, and Nonresistance
Other
anarcho-christian principles that are intimately connected with the concepts of
collectivistic interaction are often referred to as Pacifism, nonviolence, and
nonresistance. These existential
responses (some anarchists may refer to them as “propaganda by deed”) to the
hegemonic oppression of state/capital apparatus are deeply rooted in the
anarchist critique of the artificial authority of the state and the
corporation. A majority of anarchist
theorists and scholars view militarism, police violence and oppression, and the
wage-slavery system that has been brought into existence by the corporate
entities that dominate the neo-liberal, capitalist sphere, as an extension of
the monopoly of socio-economic power possessed by the state and the
multinational. Indeed, for most anarchist
thinkers violence in any form represents a form of coercion similar to that
exercised by the political hierarchy. As
a result many anarchists have adopted a strategy of nonviolent resistance,
boycott and general strike in order to change the economic and political order
without embracing a political or social dichotomy similar to that created by
the oligarchic system of capitalism or the bureaucratic system of state
socialism.
C.T.
Butler and Keith McHenry, the anarchist activists and founders of the
anti-nuclear federation Food Not Bombs, elaborate on the anarchist position
with regard to the use of non-violence as a stratagem, workable tactic to be
employed in the struggle against state oppression and capitalist exploitation:
Nonviolence means responding to situations
of injustice with action. The key to
nonviolence is the ability to see potential violence in a situation before it
becomes violent and act to de-escalate that potential. If we cannot stop it from happening, we can
at least work to minimize the effects.
It is extremely important that we act in a manner consistent with our
values. It is never in our interests to
use violence against the police or others.
On the practical side, they usually can muster significantly more
violent force than we could. But, more
philosophically, we don’t want to use power to dominate in our efforts for
social change. We want to create a
society based on human rights and human needs, not the threat and use of
violence. We do not want to dominate; we
want to seek the truth and support each other as we resolve conflicts without
violence. (Butler & McHenry, 74)
In
the current American social order, it may be difficult to see how these ideas
relate specifically to Christianity. In
fact, all throughout its history the church has been associated with various
atrocities (the Catholic Inquisition), violence (the European and American
witch trials) and has even lent its support for a number of armed conflicts
(the Crusades). This, however, is
anathema apropos Christian theology itself.
Though persons and institutions which have claimed to be “the church”
have participated in violent and oppressive activities, the actions of these
individuals and organizations come into direct conflict with the actual teachings
of Jesus and the early church. Human
hypocrisy in no way hinders the message of the Gospel itself. Rather, human hypocrisy provides us with a
sharp contrast to the actual message of Jesus and his apostles. Hence there is no possibility of developing a
“just war theory” within the bounds of church doctrine. Such a blatant attempt to support violent
action would necessarily be heretical.
There are a number of different biblical passages that can be analyzed
in order to provide support for this position.
The
first such passage extends back into the Old Testament, the Mosaic Law of the
early Jewish religion. It occurs in the
twentieth chapter of Exodus, in the thirteenth verse. It is important to remember the context of
this verse. The nation of Israel had
recently been liberated from under the tyrannical, oppressive governance of the
Egyptian empire. More importantly for
our purposes, it must be recalled that the liberation of the Hebrew nation was
the direct result of a divine intervention into the historical dialectic. The Israelites did not liberate themselves
through an initiation of human aggression, political coup de tat, or violent
revolution. Instead the Lord asked His
people to trust Him for a deliverance that he would bring about through methods
familiar to us now. In the wake of this
event, the miraculous exodus of Yahweh’s people, he issues ten commands which
are to direct His chosen people as they establish a divine realm in Cannan. The sixth of these commands is: “You shall
not murder” (Exodus 20:13).
Jesus
reestablished, or reasserted this divine edict that had been concealed, and
even abandoned through generations of declension and syncretism on the part of
the collection of peoples known as “Israel.”
Within the context of His famous “Sermon on the Mount” (the delivery of
which is the closest Jesus ever came to formulating a manifesto) Jesus
clarified His pejorative position, not just regarding murder as a particular
form of violent or aggressive activity, but apropos human violence in
general. For Jesus, murder and violent
action were not the only opprobrious aspects of human nature. Jesus instead chose to attack the root cause
of human brutality; namely hatred and conscious vehemence towards one’s fellow
man:
You’re familiar with the command to the
ancients, ‘Do not murder.’ I am telling
you that anyone who is so much as angry with a brother or sister is guilty of
murder. Carelessly call a brother ‘idiot’
and you just might find yourself hauled into court. Thoughtlessly yell ‘stupid!’ at a sister and
you are on the brink of hellfire. The
simple moral fact is that words kill. (Matthew 5:21-22)
Jesus does not limit pacific action and
love to relegating one’s consciousness or one’s passive responses to the
activities of others, rather He encourages His disciples to embrace active
forms of love in their quest for emancipation from the secular socio-political
system:
Here’s another old saying that deserves a
second look: ‘Eye for eye, tooth for
tooth.’ Is that going to get us anywhere? Here’s what I propose: ‘Don’t hit back at
all.’ If someone strikes you, stand
there and take it. If someone drags you
into court and sues you for the shirt off your back, giftwrap your best coat
and make a present of it. And if someone
takes unfair advantage of you, use the occasion to practice the servant
life. No more tit-for-tat stuff. Live generously. You’re familiar with the old written law,
‘Love your friend,’ and its unwritten companion, ‘Hate your enemy.’ I’m challenging that. I’m telling you to love your enemies. Let them bring out the best in you, not the
worst. When someone gives you a hard
time, respond with the energies of prayer, for then you are working out of your
true selves, your God-created selves.
This is what God does. He gives
his best – the sun to warm and the rain to nourish – to everyone, regardless:
the good and bad, the nasty and nice. If
all you do is love the loveable, do you expect a bonus? Anybody can do that. If you simply say hello to those who greet you
do you expect a medal? Any
run-of-the-mill sinner does that. (Matthew 5:38-47)
In other words Jesus expects us to extend
love and generosity beyond the normal boundaries of the capitalist economic
order. We are to love those who do not
have the economic affluence to “repay” or reward us for any of the fruits (I
deliberately chose to avoid the word “products” in this context for reasons
that ought to be obvious) of Christian benevolence.
With
regard to the second portion of the text (the love your enemies section) Jesus
here is speaking not just of personal enemies, though he is concerned with our
personal hatreds as well. In this
particular section Jesus appears to be rebuking the Zealots, the Sicarii, or
“Fourth Philosophy” adherents; those who proposed violent revolt with regard to
the oppressive power of the Roman state.
One of the main weapons of the Zealots was to create a xenophobic,
Jewish nationalism which viewed all pagans as enemies of the “chosen people” of
Yahweh. There is a striking similarity
between this biblical passage and a portion of a text from Rosa Luxemburg. I first encountered this particular piece
authored by Luxemburg while rereading a book entitled, Social Anarchism or
Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm, by Murray Bookchin:
Speaking of the right of nations to
self-determination we [meaning anarchist theorists] dispense with the idea of a
nation as a whole. It becomes
merely a social and political unity [for the purposes of measurement]. But it was just this concept of nations as
one of the categories of bourgeois ideology that Marxist theory attacked most
fiercely, pointing out under slogans like “national self-determination” or
“freedom of the citizen,” “equal before the law” – there lurks all the time a
twisted and limited meaning. In a
society based on classes, the nation as a uniform social-political whole simply
does not exist. Instead, there exists
within each nation classes with antagonistic interests and “rights.” There is literally no social arena – from the
strongest material relationship to the most subtle moral one – in which the
possessing classes and a self-conscious proletariat could take one and the same
position and figure as one undifferentiated national whole. (emphasis added)
(Bookchin, 70)
At first
glance it may be difficult to find anything but an artificial correlation
between the ideas expressed in Luxemburg’s statement and the segment of the
Sermon on the Mount quoted above.
However, Luxemburg and Jesus give concrete expression to revulsion
regarding the manufacture of synthetic “enemies,” the foment of xenophobia, by
means of state propaganda. Both
Luxemburg and Jesus reject the “us vs. them” philosophy of nationalistic,
proto-state capitalism, as well as the similar philosophies as regards the
conglomeration of human potential (formal religion, state sponsored
“socialism,” tribal linkages, etc.).
These ideas are echoed by the anarchist philosopher (a term which most
anarchists would view as oxymoronic) Mikhail Bakunin:
We should place human, universal justice
above all national interests. And we
should abandon the false principle of nationality, invented of late by the
despots of France, Russia, and Prussia for the purpose of crushing the
sovereign principle of liberty…Everyone who sincerely wishes peace and
international justice, should once and for all renounce the glory, the might,
and the greatness of the Fatherland, should renounce all egoistic and vain
interests of patriotism. (Bookchin, 71)
We too, as
Christians (we must remember this term means “little christs”), must pursue the
unique form of protest against social injustice, which Christ instituted not
only in word, but in deed (most anarchists would prefer the terms “propaganda
by deed” or “direct action”). We must
resist the powers of this world, not through violent revolt, not through mere
passive resistance, but instead through active, life-filled, self-sacrificing
love. Most importantly, this love must
not be limited to members of one class, one racial group, one nation-state
only. This love must be extended, in
ever widening circles, even to those that we may (in secular political terms)
consider to be our enemies (the bourgeois proponents of capitalist exploitation,
militarism, and economic oppression).
Many times Christians ignore this duty, out of anxiety for the future,
and make the mistake of assuming that they must bring about the justice of the
kingdom of God through force of will, as well as overt violent action. However, Jesus reminds that His purposes come
about through a direct inversion of the world’s political order. Jesus reminds his followers that they do not
need to participate in the conflict and struggle for socio-political power that
is inscribed upon and symbolizes the political factions of the current
historical epoch. Rather, God in His
justice uses peace to establish His dominion and, thereby, excludes armed
insurrection or violent revolt in any form:
Then they came on him – grabbed him and
roughed him up. One of those with Jesus
pulled his sword, and taking a swing at the Chief Priest’s servant, cut off his
ear. Jesus said, “Put your sword back
where it belongs. All who use swords are
destroyed by swords. Don’t you realize
that I am able right now to call to my Father, and twelve companies – more, if
I want them – of fighting angels would be here, battle ready? (Matthew 26:50-53)
C. The
Freedom of Simplicity
The
title of this section refers specifically to the material aspect of the socio-economic,
human community. Apropos its spiritual
and philosophical aspects, anarchism is a complex, rich and nuanced economic
and political school of thought. Also,
contrary to a common misconception, anarchism does not reject scientific or
technological progression in favor of a naive primitivism. On the contrary,
anarchism readily embraces technology due to the fact that technology (if used
properly and for these ends specifically) possesses an immense libratory
capacity with regard to human labor. Indeed, if technology was put to use in this
way, if technology was used for the betterment of human society rather than the
aggrandizement of capital in all its manifest forms, much of the onerous labor
with which humans toil could be eliminated, thus liberating human kind to
pursue more creative forms of labor. In
fact, the unreasoning abhorrence with and vilification of technology often does
more to serve the cause of the hegemonic institutions of global capital. As Bookchin stated in his magnificent text, Social
Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism: the Unbridgeable Chasm:
Denouncing technology and civilization as
inherently oppressive of humanity in fact serves to veil the specific social
relations that privilege exploiters over the exploited and hierarchs over their
subordinates. More than any oppressive
society in the past, capitalism conceals its exploitation of humanity under a
disguise of “fetishes,” to use Marx’s terminology in Capital, above all, the “fetishism of commodities,” which has been
variously – and superficially – embroidered by the Situationists into “spectacles”
and by Baudrillard into “simulacra.”
Just as the bourgeoisie’s acquisition of surplus value is hidden by the
contractual exchange of wages for labor power that is only ostensibly equal, so
the fetishization of the commodity and its movements conceals the sovereignty
of capitalisms economic and social relations.
There is an important, indeed crucial, point to be made, here. Such concealment shields from public purview
the causal role of capitalist competition in producing the crises of our times.
(Bookchin, 33)
At this
point one may be induced to question in what regard the anarchist philosophical
school proposes simplicity to be the primary principle with regard to human
organization. The reply to this question
is twofold. The response most often
heard among anarchist circles is something akin to the Gandhian aphorism, “Live
simply, that others might simply live.”
It is this response that provides the most obvious link between
anarchism and Christian thought. There
is, however, another anarchist perspective with regard to the idea of
simplicity. The anarchist George
Nicholson describes this form of anarchist thinking in his essay entitled, The Simplicity of Anarchism:
The most frightening aspect of anarchism to
the regimented mind is the simplicity of
truths it contains. Whilst society
is quite prepared to accept the feasibility of planetary flight, alchemistry
and other things within, and beyond the realms of logic, the simple possibility
of man being self-governing and capable of standing on his own feet – without
the aid of political or legal crutches – is regarded as something akin to
lunacy, or dangerously fanatical at least (emphasis added). (Freedom, 39)
Whereas it is quite easy to see how the aforementioned
Gandhian anarchist simplicity is related to
Christian theology, the applicability of the simplicity of Nicholson is less
apparent. For the sake of clarity we
will explore both of these elements in relation to the teachings of Jesus and
his disciples.
As
it was stated earlier, it is a matter of relative simplicity to make a
connection between what I have termed Gandhian anarchist simplicity and the
biblical Christian tradition. There are
a number of passages and texts which one would be able to cite in support of
this form of simple living:
Now a man came up to Jesus
and asked, "Teacher, what good thing must I do to get eternal life?"
"Why do you ask me about what is good?" Jesus replied. "There is
only One who is good. If you want to enter life, obey the commandments."
"Which ones?" the man inquired.
Jesus replied, " 'Do not murder, do not commit adultery, do not
steal, do not give false testimony, honor your father and mother,' and 'love
your neighbor as yourself.' "All these I have kept," the young man
said. "What do I still lack?" Jesus answered, "If you want to be
perfect, go, sell your possessions and give to the poor, and you will have
treasure in heaven. Then come, follow me." When the young man heard this,
he went away sad, because he had great wealth. Then Jesus said to his
disciples, "I tell you the truth, it is hard for a rich man to enter the
kingdom of heaven. Again I tell you, it is easier for a camel to go through the
eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God." When the
disciples heard this, they were greatly astonished and asked, "Who then
can be saved?" Jesus looked at them and said, "With man this is
impossible, but with God all things are possible." (Mathew 19:16-26, NIV)
"Do not store up for
yourselves treasures on earth, where moth and rust destroy, and where thieves
break in and steal. But store up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where moth
and rust do not destroy, and where thieves do not break in and steal. For where
your treasure is, there your heart will be also. (Matthew 6:19-21, NIV)
All the believers were
together and had everything in common. Selling their possessions and goods, they gave
to anyone as he had need. (Acts 2:44-45, NIV)
It
should be readily apparent from even a cursory reading of the above passages that
Christian theology is in no way compatible with any life-style marked only by
consumption and capitalist accumulation.
Rather, it appears as though the Christian attitude towards human wealth
as it relates the organization of human society has a great affinity for that
proposed by a majority of anarchist thinkers, particularly Joseph Pierre
Proudhon, who stated that “property [meaning the accumulation of private
property] is theft.” (Curtis, 133-5) The
Christian author and theologian, Richard Foster, makes clear the importance of
simplicity with regard to the Christian worldview in his tome, The Freedom
of Simplicity:
Contemporary culture is
plagued by the passion to possess. The
unreasoned boast abounds that the good life is found in accumulation, that
“more is better.” Indeed, we often
accept this notion without question, with the result that the lust for
affluence in contemporary society has become psychotic: it has completely lost
touch with reality. Furthermore, the
pace of the modern world accentuates our sense of being fractured and
fragmented. We feel strained, hurried,
breathless. The complexity of rushing to
achieve and accumulate more and more threatens to overwhelm us; it seems there
is no escape from the rat race.
Christian simplicity frees us from this modern mania. It brings sanity into our compulsive
extravagance, and peace to our frantic spirit.
It liberates us from what William Penn called “cumber.” It allows us to see material things for what
they are – goods to enhance life, not to oppress life. People once again become more important than
possessions. Simplicity enables us to
live lives of integrity in the face of the terrible realities of our global
village. (Foster, 3)
The above application of
anarchist simplicity to Christian thought and action will not often become a
matter of conflict or contention.
However, the application of anarchist simplicity in its secondary form,
namely the Nicholsonian abolition of coercive governmental structures, to
Christianity is more obscure. Many
non-anarchist theologians cite Romans 13:1-2 and Titus 3:1, contending that the
relationship between anarchism and Christianity is not only incongruous, but is
outright oxymoronic. It is the opinion
of this author, however, that these verses have been read without regard to
their original context, and that, rather than calling upon Christians to
obedient submission to the state (or in our age, the hegemonic power of
transnational capital), these biblical passages are a warning to Christians not
to bother contending with “the powers” by manner of violent revolution. The anarchist and Christian theologian,
Jacques Ellul, makes a similar argument:
As in the case of all
biblical texts (and all other texts!) we must first refuse to detach one phrase
from the total line of thinking. We must
put that phrase in the general context.
Let us, then, take Paul’s argument as a whole. In Romans 9-11 Paul has just made a detailed
study of the relations between the Jewish people and Christians. A new development begins which will cover
chs. 12-14 and at the heart of which is the passage that we are now
considering. This lengthy discussion
begins with the words: “Do not be conformed to the present age but be
transformed by the renewal of your mind.”
Paul’s general and essential command, then, is that we should not be conformists, that we should not obey the trends and
customs and currents of thought of the society in which we live, that we should
not submit to the “form” of them but that we should be transformed, that we
should receive a new form by the renewing of the mind, that is, by starting
from a new point, namely, the will of God and love. This is obviously a strange beginning if he
is later to demand obedience to political authorities! Paul then goes on to teach at length about
love: love among Christians in the church (12:3-8), love for all people
(12:9-13), and love for enemies (not avenging oneself, but blessing those who
persecute), with a further exhortation to live peaceably with all (12:14-21). The passage on authorities follows next. Then all the commandments are summed up in
the commandment of love and of doing no wrong to others (13:8-10). In ch. 14 some details are offered as to the
practice of love…This, then, is the general framework or movement within which
the passage on authority occurs. It
seems so odd, so out of joint, in this larger context that some exegetes have
thought that it must be an interpolation and that Paul himself did not write it. For my part, however, I believe that it has
its place here and that it does come from the apostle. We have seen that there is a progression of
love from friends to strangers and then to enemies, and this is where the
passage then comes. In other words, we
must love enemies and therefore we must even respect the authorities, not
loving them but accepting their orders.
We have to remember that the authorities have attained to power through
God. Yes, we recall that Saul, a mad and
bad king, attained to power through God.
This certainly does not mean that
he was good, just, or lovable. Along
the same lines one of the best commentators on the passage, Alphonse Maillot,
relates it directly to the end of ch. 12: “Do not let yourself be overcome by
evil, but overcome evil with good. Let every person (therefore) be subject to
the higher authorities…” In other words,
Paul belongs to that Christian church which at the first is unanimously hostile
to the state, to the imperial power, to the authorities, and in this text he is
thus moderating that hostility. He is
reminding Christians that the authorities are also people (there was no
abstract concept of the state), people such as themselves, and that they must
accept and respect them, too. At the
same time Paul shows great restraint in this counsel. When he tells them to pay their dues – we are
rightly reminded of the answer of Jesus regarding the tax. Far
more boldly Jesus claims that we owe neither respect nor honor to magistrates
of the authorities. The only one whom we
must fear is God. The only one to whom
honor is due is God…(emphasis added). (Ellul, 80-1)
D. Freedom from Earthly Authority
The
Ellul passage which ended the previous section provides the perfect foreword to
the current section. That Christians
should hold anarchic positions apropos earthly systems of governance is not a
view typically held. Quite to the
contrary, usually it is more common for Christian theologians to be of the
opposite persuasion (Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell being the examples par
excellence). The common view, however,
is misguided and unbiblical. In fact,
there are numerous biblical passages that appear to indicate a shared view
between the Christian tradition and the anarchist school of thought with regard
to formal, systematized, bureaucratic governments:
Then the mother of Zebedee's sons
came to Jesus with her sons and, kneeling down, asked a favor of him. "What is it you want?" he
asked. She said, "Grant that one of
these two sons of mine may sit at your right and the other at your left in your
kingdom." "You don't know what
you are asking," Jesus said to them. "Can you drink the cup I am
going to drink?" "We
can," they answered.” Jesus said to
them, "You will indeed drink from my cup, but to sit at my right or left
is not for me to grant. These places belong to those for whom they have been
prepared by my Father." When the
ten heard about this, they were indignant with the two brothers. Jesus called them together and said, "You
know that the rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them, and their high
officials exercise authority over them. Not so with you. Instead, whoever wants to
become great among you must be your servant, and whoever wants to be first must
be your slave— just as the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve,
and to give his life as a ransom for many." (Matthew 20:20-28, NIV)
Then the high priest and all his
associates, who were members of the party of the Sadducees, were filled with
jealousy. They arrested the apostles and
put them in the public jail. But during
the night an angel of the Lord opened the doors of the jail and brought them
out. "Go, stand in the temple courts,"
he said, "and tell the people the full message of this new
life." At daybreak they entered the
temple courts, as they had been told, and began to teach the people. When the high priest and his associates
arrived, they called together the Sanhedrin—the full assembly of the elders of
Israel—and sent to the jail for the apostles.
But on arriving at the jail, the officers did not find them there. So
they went back and reported, "We found the jail securely locked, with the
guards standing at the doors; but when we opened them, we found no one
inside." On hearing this report,
the captain of the temple guard and the chief priests were puzzled, wondering
what would come of this. Then someone
came and said, "Look! The men you put in jail are standing in the temple
courts teaching the people." At
that, the captain went with his officers and brought the apostles. They did not
use force, because they feared that the people would stone them. Having brought the apostles, they made them
appear before the Sanhedrin to be questioned by the high priest. "We gave you strict orders not to teach
in this name," he said. "Yet you have filled Jerusalem with your
teaching and are determined to make us guilty of this man's blood." Peter and the other apostles replied: "We must obey God rather than men!” (Acts 5:17-29, NIV, emphasis added)
The Israelites said to Gideon, "Rule over
us—you, your son and your grandson—because you have saved us out of the hand of
Midian." But Gideon told them,
"I will not rule over you, nor will my son rule over you. The LORD will rule over you."
(Judges 8:22-23, NIV, emphasis added)
Is not this the kind of fasting I have chosen:
to loose the chains of injustice and untie the cords of the yoke,
to set the oppressed free
and break every yoke?
to loose the chains of injustice and untie the cords of the yoke,
to set the oppressed free
and break every yoke?
Is it not to share your food with the hungry
and to provide the poor wanderer with shelter—
when you see the naked, to clothe him,
and not to turn away from your own flesh and blood? (Isaiah 58:6-7)
and to provide the poor wanderer with shelter—
when you see the naked, to clothe him,
and not to turn away from your own flesh and blood? (Isaiah 58:6-7)
From the
passages cited above, it should be abundantly clear that the hegemonic
socio-political strictures that have been established by terrestrial bodies of
governance have little to do with the “Kingdom of God,” about which Jesus was
so fond of speaking. Indeed it is the
great opprobrium of the Church of the current historical epoch that they have
so misconstrued the biblical text, as a whole, to be supportive of the
political powers, and in doing so, if Walter Wink is at all correct, have
embraced the demonic powers which lie at the core of the oppressive political
strictures and structures of the modern era.
With regard to this development we must reread a particular passage of
Paul in a new (though not new to Paul) light:
Finally, be strong in the
Lord and in his mighty power. Put on the
full armor of God so that you can take your stand against the devil's schemes.
For our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the powers of
this dark world and against the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realms.
(Ephesians 6:10-12, NIV, emphasis added)
It would take a great deal of exegetical dexterity
to create a formal analysis of this particular Pauline passage in such a way as
to make it supportive of secular political authority. Rather it appears as though Paul and the
modern theologian Walter Wink hold a shared view of the secular entities of
political authority and the demonic quality apropos the ethos of their power.
Even though this conceptual
framework regarding the conflict that exists between the “Kingdom of God” and
the “kingdoms of man” is embedded deep within the Biblica/Gospel narrative, it
is an idea that is still quite alien among the pulpits of the modern
church. Indeed, a majority of the people
who would designate themselves as Christians are not even aware of the fact
that the choice of the term gospel by synoptic authors was intended to be a
direct confrontation with Roman power, or that the title which the Gospel
authors had given to Jesus, “Prince of Peace,” was given to accomplish a
similar goal. For the term gospel (which
meant good news) was regularly applied to the edicts and birth announcements of
the Caesars. The title “Prince of Peace”
was a parody of a title claimed by Augustus Caesar during the height of his
power, an era referred to as the Pax Romana (Roman Peace). In view of the fact that a few individuals
may still find it difficult to see any correlation between secular power and
demonic influence we will examine one more passage which should leave little
doubt in this regard. This particular
passage is taken from the Gospel of Matthew, within the context of Jesus’
temptation at the hands of the accuser:
Again, the devil took him to a very high mountain
and showed him all the kingdoms of the world and their splendor. "All this I will give you," he
said, "if you will bow down and worship me." Jesus said to him, "Away from me, Satan!
For it is written: 'Worship the Lord your God, and serve him only.'" (Matthew
4:8-10, NIV)
If one limited oneself to
only a superficial reading of this passage, it may be difficult to grasp the
connection, the correlative relationship that lies betwixt supernatural evil
and the terrestrial, political realm.
One must ask, however, how the devil was able to offer the kingdoms of
the earth if they were not under his control and dominion. Some may respond that, in this regard, the
devil was simply being dishonest, and that he in fact did not have power over
the systems of human governance.
“Indeed,” one might say, “there is nothing over which God does not have
dominion.” In a way, the verity of this
statement cannot be dismissed or disproved without resorting, at least
partially, to a heretical line of thinking that runs parallel to certain
strains of mystical and philosophical dualism.
On the other hand, the accuser must possess a certain level of authority
with regard to the kingdoms of man, otherwise Jesus would have just responded
simply, “Nice try, but the authority you offer is not yours to give.” The question which must be asked is why Jesus
does not choose to respond in just such a way.
It must be that the devil does possess a certain authority (as a result
of the Fall no doubt) over the governments established by humankind. The authority which Satan possesses in
relation to the world governments is obtained through the same methods he uses
to gain control over individuals; the authority has been given to him as a
result of free human choices. Satan only
has authority over the rulers and kingdoms of this world if they have chosen
alliegence with him and his purposes.
Corporate possession works in the same manner of individual possession.
Part
IV: No Masters Yes, But No Gods?
At this point in the text a
very difficult issue must be dealt with and resolved. A famous anarchist axiom (it is even the
title of an anthology of anarchist writings compiled and edited by Daniel
Guerin) resounds with a message that appears to be incongruous (even
blasphemous) when placed in the context of Christian theology: “No Gods, No
Masters!” This double negative apropos
authority has long been the resounding cry of the anarchist scholar/activist,
and it is thought to be beyond reconciliation in relation to Christian theology
and dogma. In the wake of the previous
section of this text, it should not be difficult to see why an orthodox
Christian could, and indeed should have little difficulty embracing the first
portion of the abovementioned, anarchist motto.
It is not so clear, however, as to the manner by which a Christian could
reconcile himself/herself to the second verse of this anarchist refrain. In fact, when one examines the tension
created by the conjunction and juxtaposition of Christian theology with the
anti-theistic tendencies found in anarchist scholarship and thought, one finds
oneself entangled in a rather murky philosophical quandary. In order to extricate ourselves from the
pedagogic and analytical mire into which we have just stepped, we must once
again take into consideration the work of the Christian anarchist Jacques
Ellul:
Leaving the historical and
moral field, we must now consider the metaphysical attacks of anarchists on
religions in general and Christianity in particular. We will find in effect four decisive
objections. First, we naturally run up
against the slogan: No God, Master.
Anarchists, wanting no political, economic, or intellectual master, also
want no religious master, no God, of whom the masters of this world, as we have
seen, have made abundant use. The nub of
this problem is very simply the idea of God.
Now it is true that for centuries theology has insisted that God is the
absolute master, the Lord of lords, the Almighty, before whom we are
nothing. Hence it is right enough that
those who reject masters will reject God too.
We must also take note of the fact that even in the 20th
century Christians still call God the King of creation and still call Jesus
Lord even though there are few kings and lords left in the modern world. But I for my part dispute this concept of
God. I realize that it corresponds to
the existing mentality. I realize that
we have here a religious image of God. I
realize, finally, that many biblical passages call God King or Lord. But this admitted, I contend that the Bible
in reality gives us a very different image of God. We shall examine here only one aspect of this
different image, though new ones also come to light and give rise to the
following questions. Though the biblical
God is the Almighty, in practice he does not make use of his omnipotence in his
dealings with us except in particular instances which are recorded precisely
because they are abnormal (e.g., the Flood, the Tower of Babel, or Sodom and
Gomorrah). God’s is a self-limited omnipotence, not through caprice or fancy, but
because anything else would be in contradiction with his very being. For beyond power, the dominant and
conditioning fact is that the being of God is love. It is not merely Jesus who teaches
this. The whole Hebrew Bible does so, at
least if we read it attentively. When
God creates, it is not to amuse himself, but because, being love, he wants
someone to love other than himself. Nor
does he create by a terrible explosion of power but by the simple Word: “God
said” – no more. God does not unleash
his power but expresses himself solely by his Word. This means from the very outset that he is a
communicative God. By contrast, in the
religious cosmogonies of the ancient Near Eastern world, the gods (including
those of Olympus) are always squabbling, creating violence, etc. In the creation of humanity, the second story
(Genesis 2) shows that the word is what characterizes humanity, too. The primary role of human beings is to be
those who respond to God’s love. They
are created to love (this is what is meant by the image of God). (Ellul, 32-4,
emphasis added)
The crux of the problem then, as Ellul makes
abundantly clear, relates to the misconceptions held by anarchists with regard
to divine ontology, specifically in relation to divine personality and
authority. Anarchist theorists
repeatedly make the erroneous assumption that divine authority has a nature
similar to that wielded by the terrestrial powers; i.e. authority supported by
coercion and violent repression. This,
however, is not the case when one is discussing Christian theology. According to traditional Christian doctrine,
the penultimate revelation of God’s power and authority occurred within the
context of the crucifixion event, God’s direct confrontation with Death; the
force upon which the authority of the powers rests. Consequently, the ultimate disclosure of
God’s power occurred in the event of Jesus’ resurrection, the incident which
provided occasion for God’s final victory over death and, as a direct result,
our victory, through the Holy Spirit, over the powers (be they supernatural or
terrestrial).
Part
V: Beyond Anarchism (Christianity and the Politics of Reconciliation)
As I
mentioned in the first section of this text anarchism and Christianity are not
synonymous terms. Anarchism is a secular
human response to socio-economic injustice.
In contradistinction, Christianity (at least according to traditional
orthodoxy) is a divine response to human evil, or sin, which has marred God’s
good creation since the disjunctive event known as the Fall. Throughout this text I have taken great pains
to show that Christians should not view anarchism as an alien philosophy, or
anarchists as heretics and enemies of orthodoxy. Rather, Christians should embrace anarchist
activists, scholars and theorists. This
task, however, was not undertaken in order to create an over-simplified
understanding of the relationship between Christian theology and the anarchist
worldview. Anarchism, being a secular
response to injustice, is ultimately (like all other human forms of
organization) fraught with injustice in its own right. Often, one finds that when the anarchist
challenges the power structures of the current, hegemonic political system, the
anarchist creates a dichotomy (an “us” vs. “them” paradigm) congruent to that
created by the very political powers that the anarchist seeks to challenge. The reader may be lead to question whether I
have just contradicted the entire premise of my original thesis. Indeed, there is here at least the appearance
of a paradox, due to the fact that I initiated this text with the argument that
anarchism presents us with a social schema which is the least incongruous
within the context of Christian theology and the socio-political order of the
“Kingdom of God,” to which Jesus was always making reference. This, however, is not the case at all. I still affirm the idea that anarchism is the
only human system of social organization that embraces many of the principles
and ethical teachings advocated by Jesus (particularly in His Sermon on the
Mount). Nonetheless, a majority of
anarchist theorists find it difficult to acknowledge, understand, and (most
importantly) accept one of the most important tenants of Christian theology,
and as a result anarchism remains divisive, discordant and conflict ridden,
separating the world into two camps: the poor and the wealthy; the abusive and
the abused; the powerful and those who seek to wretch power from corrupt hands. At this point, it
appears as though there is no escape from the human tendency to fight injustice
with injustice, hatred with hatred, and to create new dichotomies in the place
of recently dismantled ones. In other
words, there appears to be no hope with regard to human redemption.
It is
exactly at this point of “despair” that the exceptional claims of Christian
theology “become manifest.” Even a
cursory reading of Jesus’ most famous sermon, the Sermon on the Mount, will
give one an indication of the divine response to injustice and evil (see
Appendix II). As the Christian
theologian, John Stott, has stated a number of times, the delivery of the
Sermon on the Mount was the closest that Jesus ever came to developing a
political manifesto proper. Upon reading
this sermon we are challenged to ask ourselves several questions apropos Jesus’
response to evil and socio-political, and economic injustice. It is my contention that the politics, the
social and relational requirements presented in the sermon, may be summarized
in one word: reconciliation (or, if
one prefers, forgiveness). Indeed, this
is the central theme of all of Christian theology, and it is the “Key” (in the
sense of George MacDonald’s Golden Key)
to abolishing the endless injustice present in all human dichotomies, social
systems, and governmental organizations.
In his tome entitled, Evil and the Justice of God, the
distinguished theologian N.T. Wright discusses this idea of a “theology of
forgiveness” as a solution to exploitation, violence, and other forms of social
injustice. He does so by examining the
central theme of another luminous text, Exclusion and Embrace, authored
by Miroslav Volf:
Volf’s basic argument is
this: Whether we are dealing with international relations or one-to-one
personal relations, evil must be named and confronted. There must be no sliding around it, no
attempt (whether for the sake of an easy life or in search of a quick fix) to
pretend it wasn’t so bad after all. Only
when that has been done, when both evil and the evildoer have been identified
as what and who they are – this is what Volf means by “exclusion” – can there
be the second move toward “embrace”: the embrace of the one who has deeply hurt
and wounded us or me. Of course, even
this may not happen if the perpetrator of the evil refuses to see his or her
action in that light. But if I have
named the evil and done my best to offer genuine forgiveness and
reconciliation, I am free to love the person even if they don’t want to
respond. (Wright, 133)
It should be readily apparent
that the anarchist position performs the first necessary step toward
reconciliation and healing within the socio-political context. Anarchism clearly identifies the various
forms of social and economic evil (capitalist exploitation, judicial injustice,
etc.) and the perpetrators of these evils.
It is also equally clear, however, that secular anarchist thinkers are
content to stop here. Most secular
anarchist activists, scholars and apologists are satisfied with pointing out
injustice and “excluding” the perpetrators from the equation of healing and
restoration. This is the great
opprobrium of the anarchist movement in general. It is my contention that anarchism will only
distinguish itself in as far as it embraces this Christian theme of forgiveness
(the same is the case for all other social systems), and unsuccessful to the
extent which it rejects it. In the same
sense, the Church will only be the true source of human liberation to the
extent that it embraces Jesus’ teaching regarding forgiveness. This is a point which N.T. Wright makes
exceedingly clear in his discussion of forgiveness as it relates to the “Lord’s
Prayer:”
But if sins were forgiven
once and for all when Jesus died on the cross, why is there still sin and evil
in the world at all? And why should we
go on praying this prayer day after day if we say, in creed and hymn, in
liturgy and scripture, that it has already been answered? The response to this question is that we are
now called to be the people through whom the unique victory of Calvary and
Easter is implemented in and for the whole world. The Church is to be the advance guard of the
great act of Forgiveness of Sins that God intends to accomplish for the entire
cosmos. Justice and peace, truth and
mercy, will one day reign in God’s world; and the church, who could almost be
defined as the people who pray the Lord’s prayer, is to model and pioneer the
way of life which is, actually, the only way
of life, because it is the way of forgiveness. (Wright, 56-7)
To accept, acknowledge and
embrace this vocation of forgiveness is not unproblematic, straightforward, or
simple. It is as difficult for the
Christian community as it is for those involved in the work of anarchist reform
and revolution. It will require a
complete change with regard to human consciousness; it will require the
“renewal of the mind” which Paul urged upon the Romans in the twelfth chapter
of his epistle to the Christian community in the ancient imperial city of
Rome. For the some in the Christian
community it will require an openness to those people who are radical agents of
reform (i.e. anarchists, situationists, Marxists), to see them as “brothers-in-arms,”
“combating” the same injustice that God has called them to address. For others in the body of Christ it will
require them to begin by conceding the fact that all is not how it should be,
and that they are responsible for confronting the social, economic and
political injustices that impede the work of Christ in their lives and in the
lives of others. Finally, for the
secular activists, anarchists, Marxists, and those with a similar bent toward
social revolution for the sake of Justice, it will require a recognition of the
fact that the Ecclesia, the body of Christ, is the only community with the
power and agency to enact social, economic and political justice “on earth as
it is in heaven.” In other words, it
will require those who seek social justice to embrace the source and origin of
that justice: Jesus Christ.
One may be lead to question
the urgency with which I am presenting the case for acceptance and forgiveness as an answer to injustice. This may be seen as naïve and politically
unrealistic. It is, however, the only
formula that does not propose a new dichotomy of “us vs. them,” the modus
operandi of the “Kingdom on earth.” Forgiveness and the politics of
reconciliation are the only methods of socio-political action that contain
within them the seed of the new world and the new social order. Similarly, the theologian and author, Charles
Ringma, argues that Christians have been called to catalytic action that give
birth to a new order rather than to activites that simply dismantle the arcane
and confused system which dominates the present:
The greatest form of
revolutionary change is not to pull down the old. It is to create the new. The use of radical language has been lost to
the church. Such language has become the
sole province of those to the left of the political spectrum. However, both radical language and action
needs to be restored to the church, for the church can never be the mere
supporter of the status quo. Because the
church’s final vision is based upon a new heaven and new earth characterized by
righteousness, the present calling is to demonstrate the embryonic form of the
new world. Ellul remarks that the
Christian, by making “the coming of the kingdom actual, is a true
revolutionary.” For the kingdom of God
does not reflect the values of this age.
Nor is it premised on worldly priorities. Nor does it build our political and economic
systems. Instead, the kingdom of God is
the great disturber in our world. It is
the action of God that subverts our proud achievements. It is the presence of God’s grace [what I
have referred to as reconciliation], peace, and justice in a world that finally
manages to pervert its own good. (Ringma, 229)
In light of the above passage, the importance of
divine grace and human reconciliation in relation to the human socio-economic
order should be clear. In short, this
doctrine of forgiveness is, to borrow an appropriate term from the late
philosopher Jacques Derrida, the Différance between the Christian answer to injustice
and human evil, and all other forms of social organization, anarchism
included.
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